From a social point of view, Rust , p. To counterbalance these social and spatial trends, the South African government and local city councils have adopted a couple of policies. To encourage the construction of affordable units, the government has cooperated with the banking sector in order to set up the financial service charter. By allowing more lower income families to access mortgages, a first attempt is made to bridge the gap that is currently present on the housing provision ladder.
With regards to the spatial fragmentation caused by the enclosure of streets and neighborhoods, September was a pivotal moment. In that month, the South African Human Rights commission declared the erection of boom gates and other measures of enclosure a violation of the human rights Lemanski et al. This judgment encouraged a lot of city councils across the country to implement stricter guidelines with respect to road closures and fenced-off neighborhoods Lemanski et al. In this special issue, two articles concentrate on the private sector.
Klug et al. In these policies, private developers are forced to integrate some affordable housing in their higher-income developments. Apart from institutional and legal issues, key constraints include resistance by property developers and protests by upper-income residents. Referring to European and American debates on social mix and discussions on inclusionary housing in other developing countries, the authors conclude that there are limits to the extent to which inclusionary housing can contribute to socio-economic desegregation.
From a completely different point of view, Schuermans looks at private houses as places of encounter. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 78 residents of two Capetonian neighborhoods, he looks into the complex geographies of encounter within the fortified houses of white, middle class South Africans. His results demonstrate that seemingly banal actions to secure homes are not only targeting a reduction of crime and fear of crime, but also the socio-spatial exclusion of poor people.
Yet, seemingly contradictorily, the same homes also provide one of the rare places where encounters with domestic workers and builders help to shatter stereotypes and encourage practices of generosity.
In the three preceding sections, the eight contributions to this special issue have been positioned with respect to the threefold division by Landman and Napier Even though every attempt to classify case-studies in their scheme runs the risk of over-simplification, Fig. The map visualizes the geographical position of the ten neighbourhoods discussed in the five articles about Cape Town. For a map locating the four neighbourhoods discussed in the two contributions about Johannesburg, we refer to the papers by Shapurjee and Charlton and Klug et al.
Bottom: Map of Capetonian neighborhoods discussed in this special issue. From the short descriptions of the articles, it should be clear that most authors do not focus on one type of housing, but on the crucial overlaps between different types of dwellings.
While Shortt and Hammett look at the health differences between shack dwellers and residents of formal housing, Shapurjee and Charlton focus on the interactions between publicly provided dwellings and the self-built shacks in their backyards. And while Schuermans is interested in practices of generosity between middle class Whites living in private houses and domestic workers living in poor neighbourhoods or informal settlements, Klug et al.
Because the different articles in this special issue discuss different aspects of the same questions about housing, spatial planning and urban development, we hope that a relational reading of the concrete case studies addressed in the different articles will stimulate readers to see the challenges and the opportunities affecting the built environment in South Africa from a cross-case perspective cf. Graham and Healey ; Jones Looking back at the first paragraphs of this introductory article, we actually believe that a relational reading of the eight papers does not only allow for an analysis that cuts across the diversity of case-studies in different cities, but also for an understanding that transcends the differences between the contexts from which the cases have been written and the ones from which they will be read.
Inspired by scholars such as Kevin Ward and Jennifer Robinson, we are convinced, indeed, that a relational understanding of cities should not only permeate our investigations of social and spatial processes taking place within a particular city, but also the geographies of theory production which underlay such investigations. While Ward , p. Even though the eight papers collected in this special issue are firmly rooted in the specificities of the South African context, we hope, therefore, that they may inspire academics and professionals working on topics ranging from inclusionary housing and self-help approaches to urban renewal and settlement upgrading all over the world.
Bauman, T. Satterthwaite Eds. London: Earthscan. Google Scholar. Bond, P. The failure of housing policy in post-apartheid South Africa. Urban Forum, 8 1 , 19— Article Google Scholar. Bradlow, B. Housing, institutions, money: The failures and promise of human settlements policy and practice in South Africa.
Environment and Urbanization, 23 1 , — Department of Housing. Social housing bill. Bill published in Government Gazette No. Donaldson, R. Journal of Housing and the Built Environment this issue. Duncan, S. Urban Studies, 30 8 , — Graham, S. Relational concepts of space and place: Issues for planning theory and practice.
European Planning Studies, 7 5 , — Hammett, D. W h ither South African human geography? Geoforum, 43 5 , — Huchzermeyer, M. Housing for the poor? Negotiated housing policy in South Africa. Habitat International, 25 3 , — Low income housing and commodified urban segregation in South-Africa.
The struggle for in situ upgrading of informal settlements: A reflection on cases in Gauteng. Development Southern Africa, 26 1 , 59— Jenkins, P. Difficulties encountered in community involvement in delivery under the new South African housing policy. Habitat International, 23 4 , — Jones, M. Phase space: Geography, relational thinking, and beyond.
Progress in Human Geography, 33 4 , — Klug, N. Landman, K. Waiting for a house or building your own? Reconsidering state provision, aided and unaided self-help in South Africa.
Habitat International, 34 3 , — Lemanski, C. A new apartheid? The spatial implications of fear of crime in Cape Town, South Africa. Environment and Urbanization, 16 2 , — Habitat International, 33 4 , — Urban Forum, 19 2 , — Lemon, A. London: Paul Chapman. Massey, R. Competing rationalities and informal settlement upgrading in Cape Town, South Africa: A recipe for failure. McLean, K. Housing provision through co-operative government in post-apartheid South-Africa.
Edigheji Eds. National Department of Housing. Urban development framework. Newton, C. Victoria Mxenge: A story about more than women building their community. Brebner Primary celebrates years. Bfn-leerder wen internasionale prys. What to do if your bond is not granted. Advice for first-time buyers in sectional title schemes. Household insurance when moving.
Key reasons why credit applications are declined. How to avoid property scams. C3 Aircross assertive but more user-friendly.
Worn shock absorbers should not be ignored. More Jimnys are on their way. Another special edition from Ford. News National. Former President of South Africa F. De Klerk, the Nobel Peace Prize Winner spoke about leadership and dealing with diversity in a multicultural society. Source: sahistory. Furthermore, during the s, White farmers tried to force Africans to labour on their farms for six months as a payment of rent towards land tenure. While they were unsuccessful in doing so, this demonstrates the degree of ambiguity that African tenure held during the early 20th century Beinhart, Africans were prohibited from acquiring land from non-Africans by the Native Laws Amendment Act of The only circumstance under which it was allowed was with the consent of the Governor-General.
Additionally, it prohibited the construction of new churches, schools, or other institutions which would mainly cater to Africans in urban areas without approval from the Minister of Native Affairs, though this did not affect institutions established before It allowed towns to apply to have areas declared as closed to entry of Africans other than those who were either visiting, employed, or seeking to be employed there Horrell, 3.
In , the Population Registration Act provided for compulsory racial classification on a national register. Documents were issued to people based on the racial group they were designated.
The groups named were Europeans, Coloured, and Natives. Coloured people and Natives were also subcategorized according to their ethnic group. A Race Classification Board was set up to adjudicate disputed cases. Identity cards were issued to all people over the age of sixteen and authorized officials e. Those who failed to produce their identity cards had seven days to report to a police station South African Institute for Race Relations, People packing belongings onto a truck in preparation for moving out of District Six.
The Group Areas Act GAA systematized segregation in the control of transfers of land and immovable property property which cannot be moved without being severely altered or destroyed, like a house as well as occupation rights throughout the Union of South Africa, with the exception of reserves. The consequence was that one could only buy property from people of the same race South African Institute for Race Relations, Many of the measures in the Act were interim measures until the establishment of 'full group areas', or complete residential segregation Kirkwood, One of the first major changes in South African property law made by the GAA was the creation of 'controlled' areas.
Controlled areas were any area which was not a group area; a Native area, location, or village; or a Coloured persons settlement, mission station, or communal reserve. Controlled areas had particular provisions for the ownership of immovable property 1. In specified and controlled areas, inter-racial property transactions and changes in occupation of property were subject to permit.
In controlled areas, the criteria for occupation was the group of the owner, whereas in specified areas it was the group of the occupier. So for instance in a controlled area, if the owner of the property was White then the occupant needed to be White, while in a specified area the owner could be White while the occupant could be Indian.
Disqualified persons or companies were allowed to enter, or continue, an agreement for a lease or sub-lease of a property in a specified area but could not do so in a controlled area without a permit South African Institute for Race Relations, , Group areas were created, after the bill passed, by making a proposal to the Board, which was appointed by the Minister. The Board had to make a report to the Minister as to whether or not an area should have been proclaimed a group area.
Before it advised the Minister, the Board had to give the public an opportunity to have input on the decision The Board also had to take into consideration the availability of accommodations for the people displaced by the decision. However, it was the role of other departments, not the Board, to find alternative accommodation for people displaced by the declaration of group areas The Minister was not compelled to listen to the advisement of the Board but was required to read it before issuing a proclamation It was composed of no more than seven members who could be dismissed by the Minister Unlike the Asiatic Land Tenure Board, members could serve for no longer than five years and there were no explicit provisions allowing Coloureds or Africans to serve on the Board Section 2 of the Act defined the 'groups' as White, Native, and Coloured.
The group of women was determined by who they married to or cohabited with 2. African or Coloured groups could be further subdivided by the Governor-General on ethnic, linguistic, or cultural grounds 2. The Governor-General would declare areas as 'group areas' and give the residents who are not of the specified group at least one year to leave ie, that a particular neighbourhood is now a White neighbourhood so all Coloured or Native residents must leave the area by the date specified in the proclamation 3.
The GAA did not itself create 'group areas' but established the machinery to create them Kirkwood, 8. The creation process of group areas was explained in Section 3. It specified that, for the first five years after the passage of the GAA, the Governor-General had the power to create group areas for Whites in provinces of the Cape of Good Hope and Natal, or areas already set aside in the Transvaal for people who were Native or Coloured. After the first five years had elapsed, these proclamations would be subject to approval by both Houses of Parliament 3.
Proclamations could only be given once the Minister had considered a report by the Board and had to consult with the Administrator of the Province affected, the Minister of Mines in the case of any land proclaimed under any mining related law and the Natural Resources Development Council if the area was on any land which they controlled 3.
However, proclamations would be withdrawn at any time by the Minister or the Governor-General Those who were not of the 'group' of an area became a 'disqualified person' under Section 4.
Disqualified persons were not allowed to occupy any land or premises in any group area to which a proclamation relates, except under the authority of a permit 4. The exceptions to this section were any servant or employee of either the state, a statutory body, or of those who were lawfully occupying the land; a visitor staying in a home of a lawfully residing person or at hotel for no more than ninety days; or any person under the control of the state, either as a patient of a hospital or of a similar institution or as an inmate of a prison or similar institution 4.
This section also made the proclamation of a group area override any legal agreements which would prohibit or restrict those who were designated as the lawful occupants ie, if an African is leasing an apartment in a White area, the lease would expire after the date specified in the proclamation 4. No one lawfully occupying any land was allowed to help a disqualified person occupy land without the authority of a permit The GAA would not interfere with arrangements made by the Housing Act or Housing Emergency Powers Act of as long as they were of the appropriate group for the group area It also made exceptions for native labourers governed by the Native Labour Regulation Act as along as the company which recruited them was lawfully occupying the land or premises where they were housing them
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